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More than a decade later, a part-measure of justice

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out, Camilo
They got their wish, sort of. Dr. Camilo Alleyne’s Ministry of Health did not create the poisonous cough syrup. However, it also failed to rise to the ensuing crisis to protect public health. As would have happened anyway with Panama’s five-year political rotation, he did leave the minister’s post. He’s still a figure in PRD politics but the scandal still taints his reputation. 2006 archive photo by Eric Jackson.

More than a decade later, the high court adjusts sentences for a mass poisoning

by Eric Jackson

An erstwhile corporate executive and four former Seguro Social employees will be going to prison, and several other former public employees, including former social security director René Luciani, also received prison terms, but for less than four years and thus with the time behind bars avoidable by $1 per day fines. The company man got five years and four low-level former government workers got 15 years apiece for changing expiration date labels on what turned out to be toxic lab chemicals. Thus spake the Penal Bench of the Supreme Court, which revoked some lower court acquittals and adjusted some sentences. Appeals might be made to the full court or to the Inter-American Human Rights Court, but most probably the result is final. The ruling comes after nearly 11 years of legal and political wrangling, some of it with partisan, racial or class overtones.

At the time, there was all sorts of misinformation and disinformation swirling about and this reporter was not the only one hoodwinked by some of it. But with the passage of time, a lot of good work by various lawyers and reporters and persistent demands for the truth, we know the basic outlines of what happened, if not such details as a precise death count.

In the summer of 2006, with the Torrijos administration and ACP running a full-blast campaign to win a canal expansion referendum, patients started to die mysterious deaths at or shortly after visiting Seguro Social (CSS) and Ministry of Health facilities. News that this was happening was suppressed for many weeks by a government anxious to avoid any distraction from the state-funded “yes” campaign.

As part of that campaign, the president and first lady were helicoptering around the country to remote village in the indigenous comarcas and other boondocks venues, distributing non-prescription medicines at many of their stops.

People were being poisoned by sugar-free cough syrup, generally recommended for diabetics and also for senior citizens and others trying to lose weight or reduce their sugar intake. Some 20,000 flasks of the syrup — so it is estimated — had been mixed at the Seguro Social medicine lab, where deadly toxic diethylene glycol (DEG) that has been mislabeled as glycerin was mistakenly added.

So how did THAT happen? The New York Times reporter Walt Bogdanich followed the trail to China and back and won a Pulitzer Prize for it. In China at the Taixing Glicerin Factory the stuff was labeled “substitute glycerin” — in Chinese. DEG can be used in place of glycerin for certain things, but definitely not for human consumption. It was then marketed as medicinal grade via a Chinese exporter, CNSC Fortune Way. A Spanish wholesaler, Rasfer Internacional, ordered a lot of glycerin and was sent a mix of glycerin and DEG. There is some question about whether labels were changed in China between manufacture and export, but the stuff was sent off and in Spain the labels were changed to say glycerin. Then, in 2003, a Panamanian import company with beneficial ownership still undisclosed pursuant to this country’s corporate secrecy laws, Medicom SA, put in the order to the Spanish wholesaler, thinking to resell to the CSS lab.

In September 2004 the presidency passed from Mireya Moscoso to Martín Torrijos and although it is routinely denied by most players in the Panamanian political system, so did the political patronage pecking order of which companies get government contracts.

Medicom, having again changed the labels to extend the expiration date, sold the mislabeled DEG, in a lot with look-alike containers that actually contained glycerin, to the CSS lab.

Once in the government’s possession, at some point the chemicals were looking older than optimal. Instead of testing them, people at the CSS department of Pharmacy and Drugs switched the labels again to once more falsify the expiration dates.

The DEG was mixed into sugar-free cough syrup and diphenhydramine (the main ingredient in the antihistamine Benadryl and the sleep aid Sominex). Neither the ingredients before mixing nor the medications after mixing were tested, either at the CSS lab or at the University of Panama’s lab that has a statutory mandate to certify all medicines used in the Republic of Panama.

Why no testing? Lawyers have argued back and forth but the record suggests that budget requests for the equipment, reagent chemicals and labor needed to do systematic medicine testing were made and routinely rejected over many years, to the point at which any such request was considered a routine formality that was not to be taken seriously. That then led to triangular finger-pointing among CSS directors, CSS boards and the national government over the funding that never came.

Probably sometime late in 2005 or early in 2006 the DEG started to be mixed into medicines. The first officially noted death from the poison came on August 2 but CSS and Ministry of Health physicians and staff say that the problem was noticed several weeks before that. The medical findings of those affected — no fevers or signs of infection — would have suggested a toxin. But the Torrijos administration suppressed news of the deaths and illnesses as a part of its canal expansion publicity campaign, and people who had not been alerted of any problem continued to get the tainted medicine and die or become ill from it.

People in the CSS and Ministry of Health raised the alarm, at first to limited effect because most of the major media were being paid many millions of dollars by the government both to publish advertising and to slant the news in favor of the “yes” campaign. It wasn’t until late September when word got out in the press, and then there was a big public panic that significantly reduced the numbers of those seeking help from the public health care system. (There is probably a death toll from the panic, of people who should have sought attention but failed to do so due to their fears and died as a result.) The panic, breaking on the eve of the referendum, elicited claims by the government that they did not know, and then a usual show of an underdeveloped country’s helpless posture of calling in the Americans. The US Centers for Disease Control quickly identified the problem.

So how many died? Officially 107, but by any reasonable count in excess of 400. The Torrijos administration delayed the purchase of testing materials until after the positive identification of such cases became possible due to the deterioration of tissue samples and their chemical residues. As a money and political reputation saving ploy, the government then asserted that without a positive test result, a DEG death did not happen.

Deaths out in the comarcas, beyond doctors and where there was no question of any autopsy? Those folks were not counted.

Hell was raised, proofs like medicine flasks with DEG residues were produced and ultimately hundreds of people left ill, some of whom died later but before their actuarial times, were officially accepted to be DEG victims and awarded a measure of special care and compensation.

The question on many minds and lips was “Who is Medicom?” A viral rumor was that its beneficial owner or owners were the offspring of then Housing Minister Balbina Herrera, who went on to be the PRD’s 2009 presidential candidate. When the question was put to her she did not directly answer but berated the reporter for going after he family. We still do not know who owned Medicom. Whether true or false, however, that rumor — and the attitude that it’s acceptable for a political candidate to duck such a question — let to Herrera’s crushing election defeat, from which she has made no significant comeback as a public figure or influential party leader.

The initial finger of blame pointed at lab director Linda Thomas, a black woman, who pleaded that she had no budget to test the chemicals. That went a long way toward breaking up what had been a solid PRD advantage among Afro-Panamanian voters, and later to black public officials elected in 2009 on the PRD ticket switching to Ricardo Martinelli’s Cambio Democratico party. After Martinelli took over the presidency he engineered some specious partisan assignments of blame, having his subservient prosecutors accuse Moscoso-era Seguro Social directors Juan Jované and Rolando Villalaz. For years the case went up and down the penal court system with defendants being added and subtracted, sometimes being added again.

There was never any attempt to investigate the cover-ups, neither between when the poisonings became known and when the public was informed, nor after the problem was generally known but steps were taken to block evidence of its full extent, nor the Martinelli-era attempts at partisan blame shifts.

In China? The director of the State Food and Drug Administration of China, Zheng Xiaoyu, was not charged with a role in the deaths, but was accused of taking bribes to allow the export of the DEG and other chemicals without proper safeguards. He was tried on May 29, 2007, sentenced to death and executed on July 10 of that same year.

 

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No website posts for most of Holy Week, but it wasn’t a vacation

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new locks
Padding that’s scraped off from ships hitting the walls in the chambers of the new locks. The ACP is bringing up some employees on disciplinary charges for disseminating photos like this. Although it’s treated as a labor/management matter, it goes to the heart of freedom of the press. Photo from the UCOC Twitter feed.

Six days without a post, but…

an explanation, apology and update from the editor

Holy Week in the Interior.

Was the blow telegraphed by word from someone whom I know and trust that an engineer type was accusing me of spreading baseless rumors from the social media by passing on EFE reports and tales from the Nicaraguan and Honduran press that our exploding transformers in Panama City caused blackouts as far as those countries? Was insight given after the fact by the man from ETESA assigning blame to the company that made the two blown-up transformers that put the Panama City and Colon metro area in the dark? In any case, on Easter Sunday and the five preceding days the power fluctuated quite severely out here in the boonies of Cocle. Was it something local, with branches hitting a line? Was it a matter of “aftershocks” from the blackouts in the city that didn’t turn our lights out at the time? I’m not and engineer but in any case we had nearly a week of brownouts that might as well have been blackouts, which first of all made it hard for me to work my usual long days and moreover made it dangerous to do so. As in, my luck finally taking a bad turn and my main production computer becoming unable to connect to the Internet with one series of fluctuations. This, while the backup computer also remained more or less on the blink. I am going to need to scrape up the bucks to take one or both of the old computers to the shop

Fortunately, I have a new computer to be my super-duper main working tool. Unfortunately, a bunch of passwords that I had forgotten were locked up in the old production machine. Fortune has nothing to do with the amount of labor required to transfer The Panama News production to a new machine — it’s a lot, and I can be lazy and procrastinate. Leave it to the electric company to force me out of my lethargy. But then it was Holy Week, so some of the people and institutions I had to contact were out of touch for a few days, and in any case I was mostly unable to work as the power supply was so low that I was recharging the computer battery through fitful brownouts, working until the charge was exhausted and then resuming work when the off and on power had been on enough for another recharge. It was a great excuse to spend most of Easter sleeping. (The sleep control in my scheme of things is the kung fu attack cat in my life, Grasshopper, who will and did let me know in no uncertain terms that my indolence is an unacceptable reason for him not being fed on time.)

Sorry about that.

But after the new computer was brought online and before the connection to this page was re-established, I was continuing publication on The Panama News Facebook page. You did know that this page is a vast extension, a blog with far more content and all the freewheeling discussion, that also keeps us in publication when hackers get the temporary upper hand, I haven’t raised the money to renew the web hosting (that annual bill will come due in about June), I am working on a new or insecure or other person’s computer or so on. This past week was a “so on,” and if you don’t look at the Facebook page these are some of the stories and photos you missed:

Sherman, set the Wayback Machine to The Panama News archive, and…

Panama’s large Vene community and a small group that hates them

¿Wappin? It’s a classical Easter

Editorials: Gay marriage here? and Russia, Odebrecht et al

Some new paintings by George Scribner

A late dry season morning at Balboa Stadium

Avnery, Cui bono?

Bendib, Trump’s new human rights group

Muestra de cine taiwanés

Good Friday morning in the back yard

March for Science

 

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The Panama News blog links, April 11, 2017

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The Panama News blog links

a Panama-centric selection of other people’s work
una selección Panamá-céntrica de las obras de otras personas

Canal, Maritime & Transportation / Canal, Marítima & Transporte

eTurboNews, Copa Airlines launches nonstop Toronto-Panama City service

Tank Storage, Contract to build new Las Minas fuel storage terminal

BBC, South Korean cargo ship Stellar Daisy vanishes in South Atlantic

Sports / Deportes

CREBA, Ocean-to-Ocean Cayuco Race juvenile female results

CREBA, Ocean-to-Ocean Cayuco Race juvenile male results

CREBA, Ocean-to-Ocean Cayuco Race juvenile mixed results

CREBA, Ocean-to-Ocean Cayuco Race open female results

CREBA, Ocean-to-Ocean Cayuco Race open male results

CREBA, Ocean-to-Ocean Cayuco Race open mixed results

CREBA, Ocean-to-Ocean Cayuco Race masters results

Telemetro, Allen Córdoba oficialmente es el panameño 56 en las Grandes Ligas

Economy / Economía

Prensa Latina, 22.1 percent of Panamanians are poor

La Estrella, Aportes del Canal de Panamá cayeron en el 2016

Telemetro, Cancelación de concesión de hidroeléctrica Chan II

ANP, Regulador de Seguros ordena liquidación de reaseguradora Istmo Re

La Estrella, Cepal: Panamá es el que más evade el ITBMS en América Latina

The Hindu, 1,900 Indians under probe for links to Panama firms

Tornos News, Athens asks Panama for data on Greeks in Panama Papers

RFI, France investigating hundreds for tax fraud due to Panama Papers

Science & Technology / Ciencia & Tecnología

TVN, Panamá inicia obra millonaria para mejor acceso a internet

La Estrella, Gobierno regulará disposición de envases vacíos de plaguicidas

Tech Times, Climate change and world trade may have spread brain parasite

Phys.org, Graphene sieve turns seawater into drinking water

BBC, Miami’s fight against rising seas

Think Progress, Sessions kills National Commission on Forensic Science

The Atlantic, When apps secretly team up to steal your data

News / Noticias

Telemetro, Gobierno de Panamá respalda acciones de Donald Trump en Siria

Broomfield Enterprise, Peace Corps volunteer found dead in Panama

La Estrella, Ejecutivo de Odebrecht revela pagos a Panamá

El Siglo, Nando Boom le dice ladrón a Cumberbatch

Intercontinental Cry, Barro Blanco meeting sows hope and disappointment

La Estrella, Cossú nueva suplente en la Corte Suprema

Copenhagen Post, Danish tourist drowns at Red Frog beach in Panama

PanAm Post, Catholic shelter for Cuban migrants defies Varela’s order to close

EFE, Marcelo Odebrecht revela que pagó $4 millones a Lula da Silva

US News, Brazil court delays ruling in case that could unseat Temer

DW, Chile’s ruling Socialists back an independent to run for president

The Guardian, Ecuador puts president-elect’s big promises to the test

BBC, Venezuela opposition leader Capriles banned from politics

The Telegraph, British troops’ arrival in Estonia a message for NATO and Russia

BBC, Syria chemical attack: what we know

Opinion / Opiniones

Los Angeles Times, A week-long editorial series on Donald Trump

King, How do such men rise? First as a joke

Greenwald, Five uncomfortable truths about the United States and Russia

Varoufakis, Europe’s illiberal establishment

Ramsay, Will Brexit deliver a united Ireland?

Gandásegui, Varela visitará la Casa Blanca

Bernal, Constituyente y quinta papeleta

Culture / Cultura

Variety: Annie Canavaggio preps ‘1977, The Treaty: Son of Tiger and Mule’

La Estrella, El calipso que permanece vivo

 

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Birds of Panama / Pájaros de Panamá © Kermit Nourse

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stilt
The song / La canción ~ The dance / El baile

The Black Necked Stilt / La Cigüeñuela Cuellinegra

photo and note by / foto y nota por Kermit Nourse

Today’s bird from Panama is the Black Necked Stilt, a bird with exceptionally long legs. This Stilt is about 14 inches tall, breeds in Panama, and usually found in mudflats.

El pájaro de hoy de Panamá es la Cigüeñuela Cuellinegra, un ave con patas muy largas. Este zanco es aproximadamente de 14 pulgadas de alto, genera en Panamá y generalmente se encuentra en marismas.

 

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What Democrats are saying about Syria

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Lieu2

New situation, traditional differences:
what Democrats are saying about Syria

Kaine

Moulton

 

Pelosi

 

 

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¿Wappin? Flying high buzzardly free form

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Janis Joplin: come and gone like a meteor.

Free form that shows the editor’s age

Bob Dylan – Lenny Bruce
https://youtu.be/67gAT2qDh60

Monchy y Alexandra – Dos Locos
https://youtu.be/ESBMw9-ht2o

Pink Floyd – Wish You Were Here
https://youtu.be/K22qJ-VikTo

Lord Kitty – Neighbor
https://youtu.be/0OLtvvb2jLo

War – The World is a Ghetto
https://youtu.be/fLIaUdMzBtM

Desmond Dekker – Shanty Town
https://youtu.be/ZqgWuMcHc3g

Hello Seahorse! – Un Año Quebrado
https://youtu.be/jUUSbGVQF-U

The Rolling Stones & Lisa Fischer – Gimme Shelter
https://youtu.be/rLx4xJdCcZ4

Chaka Khan – Through the Fire
https://youtu.be/ymuWb8xtCsc

Janis Joplin – Ball and Chain
https://youtu.be/Bld_-7gzJ-o

Warren Zevon – Veracruz
https://youtu.be/_O2qJ0JXjug

Yomira John – Solita
https://youtu.be/9B4G7wppIuY

The Beatles – With a Little Help From My Friends
https://youtu.be/sYR7YhLtmS4

The Hooters – All You Zombies
https://youtu.be/2LE0KpcP05I

Randy Weston & Pharoah Sanders – Blue Moses
https://youtu.be/KeC68qpIq6s

 

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Forest protection and the problem with carbon credits

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horsies
Forest protectors from an Afro-Colombian community set out on patrol on horseback in the far northwest of Colombia. Photo by Bart Crezee.

Successful Colombian rainforest project exposes
problems with carbon emissions trading

by Bart Crezee — De Correspondent / Mongabay

Ferney Caicedo, a trained forest ranger, is slipping and sliding over the forest path while he leads a horse and a group of four other people up a hill. Rain from the night before has made the wooded slopes almost impossible to ascend. The humidity is high. Sweat drips constantly from underneath Caicedo’s cap. This is the tropical rainforest in the extreme northwest of Colombia.

This is familiar terrain to Caicedo. On a clear day, he says that you can see the Caribbean Sea from atop the peak he is now climbing. In the other direction lies the border with Panama, somewhere in the impenetrable jungle of the isthmus connecting North and South America. Known as the Darién Gap, it runs between Colombia and Panama and is made up of marshland, mountains, and tropical rainforest. It’s the only still-unfinished part of the famous Pan-American Highway, which will someday connect North and South America. Although there have been plans to complete the road for years, so far the impenetrable jungle, as well as several rebel groups hiding out in it, have made it impossible.

Caicedo and his team of colleagues work to protect the forests for COCOMASUR, short for “Consejo Comunitario Mayor de la Cuenca del Rio Tolo y la Zona Costera Sur de Acandí,”the community council of the Tolo River basin and the coastal zone south of Acandí. The organization represents 2,600 Afro-Colombians, or about half of the total population of the municipality of Acandí. These Colombians are descended from African slaves. In Colombia, Afro-Colombians are seen as a separate ethnic group, along with the many native communities in the country. About 80 percent of the population of the northwestern region of Chocó is Afro-Colombian.

Wearing fluorescent orange safety vests and armed with machetes and GPS equipment, they trek through the forest every day to stop deforestation.

Some of the trees Caicedo works to protect can reach over 100 feet high.

“The wood from one of these trees will fetch a lot of money on the market,”he said. But the community is too remote for logging to be profitable for them. Acandí, the closest village, is an hour away from the community by motorcycle taxi. From there, it’s another two hours by boat over the Caribbean Sea to Turbo, the nearest major city. The dense forests make overland travel impossible.

Consequently, since before anyone can remember, the rainforest has been burned down to create new land for agriculture, on average about 200 hectares (nearly 500 acres) per year. In particular, large landowners from outside the community have tried to get their hands on more and more valuable land this way.

Meanwhile, COCOMASUR has found a way for the community to earn money from their own forests. By stopping illegal logging, the community has been able to prevent a lot of CO2 emissions. And that’s worth money these days, in the form of carbon credits. Under an international trading mechanism called REDD+, (reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation), these credits can be bought by banks, energy companies, and other corporations such as airlines wanting to reduce their ecological footprint.

The Chocó-Darién Conservation Corridor, as the community’s REDD+ project is called, is the first REDD+ project to be certified in Colombia. In 2012 it was the first REDD+ project operating on community land in the world. The Chocó-Darién project was awarded a Gold Level certification from the Climate, Community & Biodiversity Alliance for its outstanding contribution to biodiversity. Over 500 different bird species have been recorded within the project boundaries. The area is also home to 42 endangered animal species (including a Central American tapir and the Colombian spider monkey) and 15 endangered plant species.

The fact that this is collectively-owned land is important, said Brodie Ferguson in a Skype interview. An American anthropologist who helped the village set up the REDD+ project, Ferguson explains that under the Colombian constitution, Afro-Colombian communities have the right to collective ownership of the land they have traditionally lived on.

“This made it possible for COCOMASUR to decide together about the use of their land,”Ferguson said. “Their culture and identity as a community are directly connected with the land on which they live.”

This sentiment is underlined by the text on the white T-shirts that Caicedo and his team are wearing under their vests: “Por el rescata de nuestra identidad cultural, y el manejo ordenado del territorio“(For the rescue of our cultural identity, and the orderly management of the land).

Taking matters into their own hands

From the late 1980s until the beginning of this century, this area was plagued by heavy violence. The Afro-Colombians were driven apart and thrown off their land by extreme-right-wing paramilitary groups paid by large landowners from Medellín, Bogotá or other cities. For next to nothing, these landowners could buy up enormous parcels of land and destroy the rainforest to create pastureland for grazing their livestock. You still have to pass their vast livestock ranches on the way to this far corner of Colombia.

You still have to pass these landowners’ vast livestock ranches on the way to this far corner of Colombia.

Everildys Córdoba was one of those who fled the violence with her children. Since returning to the village in 2010, she has devoted herself to healing the divided community of COCOMASUR. With her jet-black hair and sparkling dark eyes, the charismatic Córdoba is a natural leader who everyone calls out hello to when she walks down the street.

Córdoba’s family has always been the heart of the community. Her uncle was the village leader in 2009, when he first put forth the idea of REDD+. Following in his footsteps, Córdoba has taken on the project’s day-to-day operations.

Starting up something new in this part of Colombia is a nearly impossible task. There are only three ways for the local population to earn money: logging, working as a day laborer on one of the big cattle ranches, or emigrating to the city.

“None of the three are long-term options,”Córdoba said. “Saving the forest through the REDD+ program was the best way to invest in the community.”

A successful project

But convincing everyone of the idea wasn’t easy. The community of 2,600 is spread out over nine hamlets and was still extremely divided in the aftermath of the violence. It took Córdoba over two years to get all the residents to back the plan.

“But the people who had objected the most then are the most enthusiastic now,”she said with a grin.

After a lengthy information campaign, the whole community decided to approve the project. From that day on, cutting down forests for agriculture was prohibited. Timber for constructing houses may only be cut in specially designated zones now. In the meantime, nearly 13,500 hectares (some 33,000 acres) of tropical rainforest have been protected.

The logistical challenges of the project were legion. To begin with, the forest boundaries and its carbon content had to be determined. Ranger team leader Caicedo spent six months in the forest measuring the thickness and height of the trees. Then it was another six months, using satellite data, before this information could be translated into actual carbon credits. But now that it’s done, everyone knows precisely how much carbon is stored in the forest.

In 2012 these credits were among the first 100,000 carbon credits to be put on the market.

Over the next 30 years, this land is expected to generate a reduction of 2.8 million metric tons of CO2 — that’s like taking 25,000 cars off the road every year. The Chocó-Darién Conservation Corridor has an initial duration of 30 years, during which new CO2 credits are issued every other year by external certification bodies.

The project has Verified Carbon Standard (VCS) and the Climate, Community & Biodiversity Standard (CCB) certification. These are the two most widely used standards for REDD+ projects worldwide.

On patrol against illegal logging

Out on patrol with Caicedo, we come to a flat clearing. Two years ago, a large landowner from outside the community clear-cut the land even though it was illegal, and soon will be grazing his cows here. Tree trunks still lay strewn about, rotting away in the grass.

“These forests have to be protected,”Caicedo said. “Not only for the carbon credits, but also to retain the water and prevent erosion. In the long term, that benefits the cattle ranchers too.”

In addition, the project helps maintain the region’s astonishing biodiversity. Recently, some villagers even spotted a rare wild tiger, a sign of a thriving ecosystem.

Caicedo explains that when they run into illegal loggers, they simply start the conversation by “telling them that logging is prohibited in this area.”That can be dangerous, since some of the loggers are armed. Until now, no one dared to try to stop them.

But Caicedo knows he has the support of the entire community.

“Our goal is mainly prevention,”he said. “Just by being in the forest every day.”

The challenge of marketing

However, selling the CO2 certificates makes protecting the forest look easy by comparison. COCOMASUR sells the CO2 saved by the project on the international carbon-credit market. But that’s more complicated than it sounds.

The problems started in 2012, according to Ferguson.

“We went to the market to sell the first CO2 credits,”he said. “But it turned out that the demand that we anticipated in 2009 didn’t exist anymore.”

Worldwide, there are eleven obligatory (“compliance”) compensation markets, of which the European ETS (emissions trading system) is the best known. But these markets were only intended for specific industrial sectors. International trade in REDD+ certificates is often not even an element of these trading systems, and thus takes place on a voluntary basis.

Ferguson therefore had to very actively approach buyers himself, and ran into roadblocks.

“Nobody is obliged to buy CO2 compensation,”he said. “That means that projects like ours are not financially sustainable in the long term.”

In total, 27.3 million metric tons of CO2 were traded on the voluntary offset market in 2015. At the same time, 39.7 million metric tons went unsold. In other words, for every CO2 credit sold, 1.6 credits stayed on the shelf.

In the meantime, REDD+ projects are putting new CO2 credits on to the market every year. An additional 40 million metric tons is expected for 2016 alone. This brings the total surplus to nearly 80 million metric tons of CO2, according to a report by environmental NGO Forest Trends. This surplus has substantially lowered the price of CO2 credits from REDD+ projects for the last few years. In 2012 the average price was still almost $8 per metric ton. In 2013 it dropped to about $5, in 2014 to $4 and last year the price was fluctuating around just over $3 a metric ton.

“The market has completely bottomed out,”Ferguson said.

In 2016, the price for a metric ton of CO2 rose slightly, to $4.25 a ton in September, notes the 2016 REDD Price Report by Thomson Reuters, following the Paris climate accord and agreements about emissions reductions in the aviation sector. Ferguson hopes that the aviation sector will use REDD+ to compensate its emissions, which would at least partly offset the low demand.

Investing more doesn’t work anymore

Since 2013, it’s been very hard for COCOMASUR to make ends meet. The income they make from selling CO2 credits goes to two things: paying off the debts incurred by setting up the project, and the ongoing operational expenses, such as bookkeeping, forest patrols and new certification rounds.

All other income from sales of offsets must go to a “development fund,”for solar panels, a health clinic or other priorities set by COCOMASUR. The problem is that income from sales of CO2 credits is not enough to even cover the operational expenses now.

“A minimum price of something like $10 per ton of CO2 would be an enormous help to REDD+ projects worldwide,”Ferguson said.

“When we started this project, the expectation was that the carbon price would be $10-$20 a ton,”he added. “But the prices are much lower now. That’s a fundamental problem. The idea is to use the carbon income to create other forms of employment for the community, the way microfinancing helps small businesses. We can’t make those investments now.”

Ferguson says that solution should include a “minimum price”of about $10 per ton of CO2 to help REDD+ projects globally.

“That would be a real incentive for sectors like aviation to reduce emissions,”he added. “But that means that someone has to pay the difference, so ticket prices will go up.”

Thus, companies will have to be forced into it after all. It’s ultimately another form of taxation, a carbon tax, and Ferguson said that it will “require political will.”

In spite of its financial problems, according to community leader Córdoba, the project is still quite a success — largely because of the sense of community it created.

“The project was jointly implemented. It gave structure to a torn community,”she said.

More than thirty jobs, including Caicedo’s, have been created, and have kept the project going. Investments were also made in an office and computers. “This gives COCOMASUR the ability to organize similar projects for the community in the future. It’s made us much stronger,”said Córdoba.

Córdoba is also proud of the fact that everything was set up without government support. Recently, COCOMASUR began to help set up REDD+ projects in other parts of the country. The government sees the project as a model of what REDD+ can do for the country.

For Ferguson, ultimately the most important aspect of REDD+ is the increased awareness.

“Nobody likes polluting; nobody’s smiling while they write a check to pay for offsets,”he said. Though REDD+ is ultimately a temporary solution, he thinks that providing direct compensation is making organizations and consumers more aware of their impact on the climate. “The indigenous communities in Colombia are reconnecting with the opportunities their land presents for them.”

Caicedo agrees: “Thanks to REDD+, we’ve been able to claim another future for ourselves.”

  • The Chocó-Darién Conservation Corridor, as the community’s REDD+ project is called, is the first REDD+ project to be certified in Colombia. In 2012 it was the first REDD+ project operating on community land in the world.
  • COCOMASUR, an organization representing 2,600 Afro-Colombians, utilizes a team of forest rangers to monitor the tropical rainforest.
  • Despite their success, now the community is struggling to get compensated due to a carbon trading market that has “bottomed out.”

This article was produced part of a series on CO2 compensation, made possible in part by support from the Netherlands’ Postcode Loterij Fonds from Free Press Unlimited. Read more (in Dutch) about the Postcode Lottery’s journalism fund. It was translated from the original in Dutch by Anne Hodgkinson.

Bart Crezee is a contributing correspondent on carbon offsets for De Correspondent. This article originally appeared in Dutch on www.decorrespondent.nl. You can find him on Twitter at @bartcrezee.

 

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Hightower, Why did Trumpcare fail?

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Trumpcare

Trump could probably sell BS to a
feedlot — but this bill was even worse

by Jim Hightower — OtherWords

Why?

That’s the big question the mass media is asking about the sudden failure of the Republican leaders’ relentless push to demonize and kill Obamacare.

After all, the GOP bragged that they now control the legislative game and would quickly knock Obama’s trademark reform out of the park. And their star slugger was on deck — Donald Trump, the self-proclaimed dealmaker extraordinaire!

Trump assured his fawning political cronies that selling his “repeal and replace” plan to Congress was no different from selling memberships in his luxury golf resorts. “It’s the same thing,” he insisted. “Really, it is.”

So, why did he fail?

Most media speculation has focused on the real estate mogul’s inability to grasp the nuances of legislating. True, but the fundamental cause of the embarrassing public collapse of the Trumpcare plan wasn’t about process, but substance.

As a master huckster, Trump could probably sell BS to a feedlot — but this bill was far more repugnant than the stinkiest load of BS. It gutted health care coverage for millions, while also sneaking in nearly a trillion-dollar tax cut for huge corporations and Wall Street speculators.

Even some Republican lawmakers gagged on the stench. But the real story is that the American people themselves — including many working-class voters who believed Trump was actually going to help them — got a whiff of the nasty stuff he was peddling.

Alerted by grassroots groups like Our Revolution and Indivisible, a mass rebellion erupted in the home districts of Republican congress critters who were selling out the health of America’s workaday majority.

As the protests spread and dozens of GOP lawmakers washed their hands of his bill, Trump was exposed as a clueless dealmaker, repeatedly asking his staff: “Is this really a good bill?”

Maybe Trump didn’t know what he was selling, but it’s a good thing the rest of us did.

 

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Harrington-Shelton, Papeles robados en Panamá

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India
Ahora las investigaciones van más allá de Mossack Fonseca. Las leyes de la India dicen que es un delito tener cualquier tipo de empresa o cuenta bancaria offshore con secretismo y por la mayoría los que ya están bajo investigación no fueron encontrados a través de los Papeles de Panamá.

Papeles robados en Panamá

por Kevin Harrington-Shelton

Como sería de esperar, la riposta del gobierno al primer aniversario de estos NO ha sido para educar a la población sobre la complejidad del problema. ¡Que es mucho más que un nombre!

Ni de su solución: nivelar el campo de competencia entre los centros offshore.

Por lo contrario, repitió el idéntico enfoque de hace un año: un trasnochado chauvinismo, que objeta sólo a que a la información robada aquí lleva el nombre de nuestro país.

Pero el tiempo pareciera haberse detenido solamente para las avestruces de Palacio. Porque en el interim èsta bola de nieve sigue creciendo en el resto del mundo. Aunque el Presidente Varela reitere que “yá se acabó”.

¡En Narnia, será!

Uno de los elementos de la historia-oficial la repitió hoy nuestro Vicecanciller: “El 80% de esas compañías no eran siquiera panameñas”.

Eso podría ser cierto, pero NO es la esencia del problema. A las que sí lo son, se les tolera de todo –dependiendo de quién sea su agente residente. EL problema es la impunidad imperante una sociedad esencialmente tribal.

Y los medios panameños son parte del problema, no de su solución. Especialmente el diario de referencia La Prensa, quien manipula la información disponible sobre el problema.

Ejemplo. Ni su afiliada Transparencia Internacional ha divulgado aquí, que su capítulo en Londres completó un estudio que sí llega al meollo del problema fuera de Panamá.

El mercado inmobiliario de Londres es uno de los caletos preferidos por kleptócratas del mundo (irónicamente, por su seguridad jurídica…..).

De 45 mil propiedades adquiridas allá por sociedades offshore, utilizando datos de “los papeles robados en Panamá”, se pudo ubicar (por ahora…) fincas pertenecientes a 986 “personas políticamente expuestas” (PEPs) –que aparecen en el directorio Thomson Reuters– con un valor de $1,500 millones.

El 50% de esas sociedades propietarias eran panameñas; sólo un 25% originaban en las Islas Vírgenes Británicas.

Ciertamente no TODAS estas serían (necesariamente) clientes de Mossack & Fonseca, sus franquiciados, similares y afines. Y varios sin duda lo serían, via bancos re-vendedores en la propia City. Pero el denominador común es el casi-intractable “secreto de oficina” que subyace el derecho corporativo panameño.

Lo cual dificulta el cobro de impuestos a otros países. El Parlamento inglés descubrió entre los documentos robados, que 3 mil sociedades “organizadas por Mossack Fonseca” poseían 6 mil inmuebles en el Reino Unido –valoradas en al menos $100 mil millones.

Ayer, en la Cámara de los Lores, el obispo de Peterborough destiló otra perspectiva moral. Las Naciones Unidas estima en $100 mil millones ANUALES, el costo a los países del Tercer Mundo de tales kleptócratas –tres veces el monto global de asistencia para su desarrollo. ¿Quién dijo “lavado”?

Esta corrupción es un cuchillo de doble-filo, que afecta a diario al propio Tesoro panameño, en la triangulación internacional.

Y de otras formas. Se desconoce si la residencia hacia donde mudó (innecesariamente…) la embajada de Panamá en Londres el gobierno Varela, estuviera arrendada de una offshore. Ni quién es el verdadero propietario de este inmueble contratado con fondos públicos.

Pero sería de suponer que, la Canciller sí “conoce a tu cliente”… lo cual es el meollo del problema.

 

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Dugger, Can a US general now declare war?

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the general
US Marine Corps Lt. Gen. Thomas D. Waldhauser, to whom Donald Trump appears to have transferred war powers reserved for Congress by the US Constitution. Marine Corps photo by Lance Cpl. Kayla V. McTaw.

Has a three-star US general
declared war on Somalia?

by Ronnie Dugger — Reader Supported News

Within expanded authority President Trump granted him last Wednesday, General Thomas David Waldhauser appears to have declared war on or in Somalia in the name of the United States by designating part of that African nation a war zone.

With our country now committing military attacks in many nations with which we are not constitutionally at war, Lt. Gen. Waldhauser’s declaring now that a certain area in southern Somalia is a war zone apparently both exposes and represents a new authority that Trump may have in effect passed on to the Pentagon and military officers.

A graduate of Bemidji State University in Northern Minnesota and a much-decorated combat veteran of three US wars, Waldhauser’s three-star ranking in the Marines is roughly equivalent to a vice-admiral’s in the Navy. He is now the commander of the US Africa Command, one of the nation’s six regional commands around the world.

The recent notable increase in civilian casualties (“collateral damage”) in US raids in several conflicts, including about 150 civilian dead in Mosul on March 17, has caused some critical alarm that Trump’s presidency is to blame. The Trump White House and the US military are contending there has been no change in the military’s “rules of engagement.” But Trump’s announced order giving the Pentagon and the military more autonomy in how they wage military attacks without his OK now raises the even larger question, has Trump given the military the power to declare wars on or in other nations in the name of the United States?

Article 1, Section 8 of the US Constitution says “Congress shall have power … to declare war,” but Congress, many of its members politically ducking highly challengeable “yes” or “no” votes on starting wars, often, in flaring military situations, in fact cedes its constitutional war-declaring power to the president. Beginning in the 1930s, proposals to require a citizens’ referendum to declare war were proposed and failed. In 1973 Congress enacted the War Powers Resolution limiting the president’s war-making powers in literal US self-defense to 60 days, after which he must go to Congress for approval.

The military’s expanded power in Somalia was revealed, not by Congress, but by Trump and then Lt. Gen. Waldhauser in an Associated Press story posted Friday in which the new war zone in Somalia and the topic of civilian casualties were all but buried. In defending his need for the new latitude, the general may have implied that he could if he wished declare “free fire zones” (zones where everybody can be killed, as in Vietnam) by explaining that he would not do that in Somalia.

In her story Lolita C. Baldor leads with the news that “Trump has granted the US military more authority to go after al-Qaida-linked militants in Somalia, approving a Pentagon request to allow more aggressive airstrikes, officials said Thursday…. Trump’s decision … allows US special operations forces to accompany Somali National Army troops and other African allies as they move closer to the fight, enabling them to call in offensive airstrikes quicker.”

“Portions of southern Somalia, excluding the capital Mogadishu, will be considered a warzone, officials said. That designation gives US forces on the ground the authority to call in offensive airstrikes, rather than waiting for approval by higher level commanders.”

The Pentagon had asked for the greater authority last month. In Somalia, the story continued, “Al-Shabab has carried out deadly attacks in Mogadishu and elsewhere…. Attacks on military bases in the past two years have slowed joint African Union-Somali offensives against the group….”

“Waldhauser … told members of Congress last week he wouldn’t turn Somalia into a ‘free fire zone.’ He dismissed suggestions the change could cause more civilian casualties.

“The new guidelines pertain to US assistance of Somali and African Union troops, not unilateral American missions in the Horn of Africa country. About 50 US commandos have been rotating in and out of Somalia to advise and assist local troops. That number could now increase slightly at certain times, said officials….”

The current population of Mogadishu is about 1,400,000. What are the military’s “rules of engagement” in a war zone, as compared with not in a war zone? If a three-star general can declare a part of Somalia a war zone for the purposes of US bombing, under Trump what rank must a US military officer have to in effect declare war under its war zone rules on or in a country?

Ronnie Dugger won the 2011 George Polk career award in journalism. He founded The Texas Observer, has written biographies of Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan, a book on Hiroshima and one on universities, many articles in The New Yorker, The Nation, Harper’s, The Atlantic, Mother Jones, and other publications, and is now writing a book on new thinking about nuclear war. Email: ronniedugger@gmail.com

 

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